15 abril 2016, Vermelho http://www.vermelho.org.br (Brasil)
O jornal americano The New York Times publicou uma reportagem com chamada de capa que destaca como é absurdo o processo de impeachment que corre no Brasil contra a presidenta Dilma Rousseff.
Artigo do
NYT sobre o golpe contra Dilma
Nas palavras da publicação,
um processo conduzido por parlamentares corruptos, dominado por abusos aos
direitos humanos, contra uma presidenta que não é alvo de investigação alguma.
A matéria, assinada por Simon Romero e Vinod Sreeharsha, cita o próprio
vice-presidente da República, Michel Temer (PMDB), que assumirá o lugar de
Dilma caso o processo seja aprovado no Congresso Nacional, como envolvido no
esquema de corrupção da Operação Lava Jato.
Outros que recebem destaque, com direito a foto-legenda, são o presidente da
Câmara, Eduardo Cunha (PMDB-RJ), apontado como réu no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF)
por suspeita de ter recebido US$ 40 milhões em propina. Além do deputado
federal Paulo Maluf (PP-SP), outro defensor do impeachment, alvo de processos
nos Estados Unidos por ter desviado mais de US$ 11,6 milhões.
De acordo com o New York Times, se o golpe passar, teremos a nova
"República dos bananas". Enquanto no Brasil a mídia familiar apoia o
impeachment, o mais importante jornal dos Estados Unidos denuncia um golpe
absurdo.
Confira a íntegra da reportagem no site do NYT, em inglês.
Do Portal Vermelho,
com informações do Brasil 247
-------------- The New York Times
Brasil/Dilma Rousseff Targeted in Brazil by Lawmakers Facing Scandals of Their Own
Tomas Munita for The New York
Times
By SIMON ROMERO and VINOD SREEHARSHA
April 14, 2016
BRASÍLIA — Paulo Maluf, a Brazilian
congressman, is so badly besieged by his own graft scandals that his
constituents often describe him with the slogan “Rouba mas faz.”
Translation: He steals but gets it done.
But like an array of other scandal-plagued
members of Brazil’s Congress, Mr. Maluf says he is so fed
up with all the corruption in the country that he supports ousting President Dilma Rousseff.
“I’m against all the dubious horse-trading
this government does,” said Mr. Maluf, 84, a former São Paulo mayor who faces
charges in the United States that he stole more than $11.6 million in a
kickback scheme.
The drive to impeach Ms. Rousseff is gaining momentum. A pivotal
vote to send her case to the Senate for a possible trial is expected over the
weekend, and several of the political parties in her governing coalition
abandoned her this week, leaving her especially vulnerable.
But some of the most vocal lawmakers pushing
to impeach Ms. Rousseff are facing serious charges of graft, electoral fraud
and human rights abuses, uncorking a national debate about hypocrisy among
Brazil’s leaders.
“Dilma may have dug her own grave by not
delivering on what she promised, but she is untainted in a political realm
smeared with excrement from top to bottom,” said Mario Sergio Conti, a
columnist for the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo. “She didn’t steal, but a gang of
thieves is judging her.”
Ms. Rousseff is deeply resented in Brazil,
having presided over the worst economic crisis in decades, a huge corruption
scandal engulfing the national oil company and the fall of millions of
middle-class Brazilians into poverty.
In the impeachment case, she is not facing
charges of graft. Instead, she is accused of using money from giant public
banks to cover budget gaps, damaging Brazil’s economic credibility.
Ms. Rousseff, then, is something of a rarity
among Brazil’s major political figures: She has not been accused of stealing
for herself.
Eduardo Cunha, the powerful speaker of the
lower house who is leading the impeachment effort, is going on trial at the
country’s highest court, the Supreme Federal Tribunal, on charges that he pocketed as much as $40
million in bribes. Mr. Cunha, an evangelical Christian radio commentator and
economist who regularly issues Twitter messages quoting from the Bible, is
accused of laundering the gains through an evangelical megachurch.
Vice President Michel Temer, who is expected
to take over if Ms. Rousseff is forced to step aside, has been accused of
involvement in an illegal ethanol-purchasing scheme.
Renan Calheiros, the Senate leader, who is
also on the presidential succession chain, is under investigation over claims
that he received bribes in the giant scandal surrounding the national oil
company, Petrobras. He has also been accused of tax evasion and of allowing a
lobbyist to pay child support for a daughter from an extramarital affair.
Altogether, 60 percent of the 594 members of
Brazil’s Congress face serious charges like
bribery, electoral fraud, illegal deforestation, kidnapping and homicide,
according to Transparency Brazil, a corruption-monitoring group.
The issue has even become a part of the
president’s defense strategy. In particular, Ms. Rousseff and her supporters
have argued, how can the impeachment process be directed by someone who is
going on trial for corruption himself?
On Thursday, José Eduardo Cardozo, the
solicitor general, said that his office had appealed to the Supreme Federal
Tribunal in an attempt to block the impeachment proceedings.
He said the effort to oust Ms. Rousseff had
become so sprawling that it was “a true Kafkaesque process in which the
defendant cannot figure out with any certainty what she is being accused of or
why.”
In a session that went past midnight and into
the early hours of Friday, a majority of justices on the high court rejected
the Rousseff administration’s request to annul this weekend’s impeachment vote.
No one can dispute that Ms. Rousseff is very
unpopular around the country, as reflected in her nearly single-digit approval
ratings, the broad ire over bribery and kickbacks within her Workers’ Party,
and the regular street protests demanding her ouster.
Even so, some Brazilians argue that the
impeachment upheaval has less to do with stamping out corruption than with an
effort to shift power by lawmakers with questionable records themselves.
Ms. Rousseff’s opponents in Congress include
Éder Mauro, who is facing charges of torture and extortion from his previous
stint as a police officer in Belém, a crime-weary city in the Amazon.
Another congressman aiming to impeach Ms.
Rousseff: Beto Mansur, who is charged with keeping 46 workers at his soybean
farms in Goiás State in conditions so deplorable that
investigators say the laborers were treated like modern-day slaves.
Almost daily, prosecutors reveal accusations
involving Ms. Rousseff’s allies and adversaries in Congress, saying they
pocketed bribes in the colossal graft scheme surrounding government-controlled
energy companies.
Graphic photos even circulated this month of
prostitutes operating in a wing of Congress reserved for committee
deliberations, reminding Brazilians of the institution’s circuslike atmosphere
these days.
Luis Almagro, secretary general of the
Organization of American States, criticized the impeachment process, saying the
accusations against Ms. Rousseff “are not crimes, but they are related to poor
administration.”
He said that the president’s missteps were
“actions that other presidents in the past took themselves,” but that Brazil’s
politicians were “judging her differently.”
Mr. Almagro also criticized the politicians
who were pushing for impeachment but facing corruption accusations themselves.
“I am worried about the credibility of some
of those who are going to judge or decide this impeachment process,” he said.
Mr. Maluf, the former mayor who supports the
president’s removal, spent weeks in jail a decade ago on charges of money
laundering and tax evasion.
But he was released under a law allowing
people older than 70 to face such accusations at home. Then Mr. Maluf won a
seat in Congress, giving him the privileged judicial standing that keeps nearly
all senior Brazilian politicians with such privileges out of jail.
Despite Mr. Maluf’s claims in recent days
that he could travel outside Brazil without being arrested, he remains wanted
by Interpol for the case against him in the United States, according to the
United States Justice Department. France also has an outstanding warrant for
his arrest in a separate case involving organized money laundering.
“My public life was always the opposite of
all that,” Mr. Maluf said last week, criticizing the bad deeds in Ms.
Rousseff’s government, including her scramble to offer cabinet posts to
legislators on the fence over impeachment.
Scholars note the sweeping legal protections
enjoyed by about 700 senior officials, including cabinet ministers and every
member of Congress. Only the Supreme Federal Tribunal can try them, producing
years of appeals and delays.
“Winning election to Congress is a license to
steal for certain figures,” said Sylvio Costa, the founder of Congresso em
Foco, a watchdog group that tracks legislative corruption. “In this grotesque
system, the biggest thieves are those who wield the most power.”
Claims of misdeeds among other lawmakers do
not bother some of the politicians wanting Ms. Rousseff impeached. Roberto
Jefferson, a former legislator who went to prison after his conviction for his
role in a vote-buying scheme, said that Mr. Cunha’s talent for political
double-dealing served as a strategic advantage.
“The bandit I’m rooting for the most is
Eduardo Cunha,” Mr. Jefferson said. (Several lawmakers seeking to oust Ms.
Rousseff, including Mr. Cunha, either declined requests for comment or did not
respond.)
One prominent supporter of Ms. Rousseff is
Fernando Collor de Mello, the disgraced former president who resigned in 1992
over an influence-peddling scandal. He resurrected his political career as a
senator, only to face charges now of taking bribes in the graft scheme around
the national oil company.
Mr. Collor’s father, Arnon de Mello, set a
precedent after fatally shooting a fellow senator on the Senate floor in 1963.
Arnon de Mello managed to avoid prison after a court ruled that the episode was
an accident — because he was aiming at another senator.
As tempers flare over impeachment, some cite
the example of Ivo Cassol, a senator from the Amazon. He was sentenced to more
than four years in prison in 2013 by the Supreme Federal Tribunal on corruption
charges related to contracts granted more than 15 years ago. (Mr. Cassol
considers himself innocent in the case, a spokesman said.)
Despite the ruling, Mr. Cassol remains in the
Senate, keeping the high court’s decision at bay with appeals. He is now
delivering some of the most impassioned speeches in
favor of Ms. Rousseff’s impeachment, calling her government “disgraceful.”
Simon Romero reported
from Brasília, and Vinod Sreeharsha from Rio de Janeiro.
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